Flourish in war
How to gain influence and contracts in exchange for supporting the Kremlin's military expansion and soft power? We'll use the example of a Novosibirsk developer to explain.
Author: Yuri Georgiev

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Parents adjust the cap of a three-year-old boy in army uniform. A man in civilian clothes hobbles through the metal detector on crutches, one leg suspended. Forty soldiers, counted before entering, file into the hall. A musical evening, "What Soldiers Sing About," dedicated to February 23rd, is beginning at the Siberia-Concert Community Center in Novosibirsk. The performance will feature veterans of the war in Ukraine, according to the announcement.
The 600-seat stalls are almost full. Most of the seats are occupied by elderly people, including several women carrying United Russia branded shopping bags. Some adults have come to watch their children perform in costumes styled after Soviet military uniforms. Schoolchildren perform songs and poems about the Great Patriotic War, while newsreel footage, including of Stalin, plays in the background. There are no speeches in support of the fighting in Ukraine; even Robert Rozhdestvensky's poignant poem "Remember," which includes the words "Kill the war," is read.
However, a man in camouflage and a woman then take the stage. Accompanied by footage of modern Russian soldiers, they sing about "guys" who "stand for Russia to the end" and about "our land" that must be "taken back," and to do so, "shake the dust off your machine gun." The entire second half of the concert is filled with references to the war in Ukraine: a neural network-generated image captioned "Kremnaya," a song about Chasov Yar with the lyrics "I'll walk through the park along the path of the retreating Bandera," and a song performed by two men titled "Opolchenskaya Lyubov" (Militia Love).
The concert was hosted by the "Rassvetai, My Homeland!" patriotic song center. This is a new project by a major Novosibirsk developer, the Rassvetai group of companies, which is owned by Dmitry Savelyev, a United Russia member of the State Duma for the Novosibirsk region. Using this example, NeMoskva examines how the war with Ukraine is being used to advance personal business interests.
- Novosibirsk developer Dmitry Savelyev combines business, politics, and family connections in government, creating a stable system of influence. His companies are formally registered to a relative, but management remains his.
- Savelyev uses support for the war as a tool to integrate business into the government system. He does this through cultural and charitable projects, direct participation in military operations, and the formation of a loyal group in the city council using his "SVO veteran" status.
- The developer's controlled council members ensure the developer has the influence it needs over city policy, including changes to zoning and development parameters. This allows them to advance profitable projects, often despite resistance from residents.
- The company's economic growth accelerated after the war began: the geography of its projects expanded, revenue and profits increased, the group of companies began receiving government contracts and purchased a site on which infrastructure will be built using budget funds.
- Savelyev's activities have recently expanded to include international projects, such as supporting the Kremlin's soft power in Africa. Our sources believe the deputy is thus seeking to "become a player in the game" surrounding resources.
- Militaristic rhetoric doesn't win voters, but it does help secure government contracts and preferential treatment. In exchange, the authorities may ask for favors related to supporting the war and their other projects.

In preparing this text, we spoke with six sources from Novosibirsk's political and economic circles, but we cannot disclose their names for security reasons.
Entrance ticket to the system
Dmitry Savelyev was born in 1971 in Novosibirsk. He graduated from the State Academy of Economics and Management. His official biography is very brief, beginning at age 30, when he became the director of the Novosibirsk firm Fundamentstroy. His first projects involved infill development in the Dzerzhinsky District, where the future deputy spent his childhood.
Savelyev entered politics from business: first as an assistant to a State Duma deputy from Kuzbass, and at 40, he himself entered parliament on the LDPR list. He has been married twice: first to the daughter of Nadezhda Boltenko, the speaker of the Novosibirsk City Council, and Mikhail Boltenko, the head of the regional department for combating organized crime; and now to on my sister Deputy Prosecutor General of Russia Anatoly Razinkin. In 2013, Savelyev became the head of the Novosibirsk branch of the LDPR. His brother, Vladislav, was by then a member of the regional Legislative Assembly.
Savelyev is known as the co-author of a number of repressive laws – on stripping “foreign agents” of their parliamentary mandates and on banning those whom the security forces have named from running "involved" to the activities of "extremist organizations." However, in the Novosibirsk region, he is known primarily as a major developer, the owner of the Rastsvetai group of companies. Eighty-four companies within the group are registered to his brother, but he is only the nominal owner; in reality, the business manages namely Dmitry Savelyev.
The businessman supported the war in Ukraine first days and did it very aggressively: he called it “self-defense,” and those who oppose it— traitors. In January 2023, he created the “Towards Victory Together!” foundation, which sends assistance to the Russian army, and previously financed i (It may continue to finance, but there is no recent data on this in open sources) volunteer battalion "Vega", where officials and Novosibirsk deputies from United Russia are assigned. Moreover, he himself traveled to the war zone. At first, perhaps only pretended, then pro-government Telegram channels began publishing his photos next to people in form. It is impossible to geolocate them, however, and some lubricated.

Conversion into political influence
In the fifth year of the war, the "Rastsvetai" group continues to support the fighting. Announcing a concert for Defender of the Fatherland Day, the organizers stated that it would feature "combat veterans, heroes who distinguished themselves not only in the fight for justice but also in their creative work." Songs were performed by individuals identified as participants in the war in Ukraine: Yuriy "Khimik" Zubarev, Vasily "Ship" Solovyov, Valery Tarasov, and Anatoly Gradinar.
Among the "veterans" was Yulia Loginova, head of Savelyev's "Towards Victory Together!" foundation and a United Russia member of the Novosibirsk City Council. She appeared in military uniform, with several medals (probably fake), and contemporary songs like "My Heart to You, Russia" (by local poet Natalia Davydova, critical (in social networks messenger MAX).


Loginova became a "veteran" after signing a six-month contract with the Ministry of Defense in February 2025. At least six other people did so at the time. Related with Savelyev and the Rastsvetai Group of Companies. It's unknown where exactly they served, but everyone have returned Unharmed and with medals, which, however, have no connection to official state awards. For example, Loginova received a medal from the Association of Veterans of the Air Defense Forces of the Novosibirsk Region, while Alexander Shchepetnev, another member of Savelyev's team, received medals "For Service in UAV Units" from the Interstate Union of Hero Cities and "For Diligence in Service" from the Terek Host Cossack Society.
Their "SVO veteran" status automatically gave them all a 25% boost to the United Russia primaries. In 2025, they ran for the Novosibirsk City Council.

Savelyev managed to get three "SVO members" elected to the city council. In total, opponents and political analysts consider 16 of the 50 deputies in the Novosibirsk City Council to be part of his influence group. They are members of the United Russia faction, but also represent a distinct force and can sometimes vote outside the "party line." i (For example, in the previous convocation of the City Council, United Russia, in order to comply with behind-the-scenes agreements, officially supported the appointment of Communist Party deputy Viktor Strelnikov as head of the commission on mandates; the Savelyevites then demonstratively abstained) With their help, Savelyev is able to rezone areas targeted for development and change the parameters of residential complexes permitted by local regulations, two former municipal deputies explained Savelyev's goals.
One of the most striking examples of the use of administrative resources is the battle for land on Uzornaya Street in Novosibirsk's Pervomaysky District, which was designated as a military and restricted area. In April 2022, the city's land use and development commission, at the request of residents, denied rezoning to a subsidiary of Rastsvetai. However, right at the commission meeting, the then deputy speaker of the city council, one of Savelyev's closest allies, delivered a scathing speech.
"If you're not smart enough to understand how the situation will develop if you continue to escalate, I'll predict it for you, and you think about it carefully. Option number one: the commission makes a decision, and the situation develops in a manageable and predictable manner. Option number two: the commission refuses, then they sue the mayor's office for obstructing business activity—that's a criminal offense. The outcome is clear! Mayor, he'll go to jail!" shouted Evgeny Lebedev.
There are also direct threats due to the actions of the Rastsvetai Group of Companies. говорил Former chief architect of the city, Alexander Lozhkin. He testified in court in the criminal case against the former vice-mayor of Novosibirsk. Artem Skatov, who was accused of slandering Savelyev through an anonymous Telegram channel.
Deputies loyal to Savelyev also voted against the city council's discussion of rezoning the site of Novosibirsk's Central Department Store for residential development, a matter of concern to local residents. The developer was ultimately chosen to be the Rastsvetai Group of Companies, and a new shopping center will be built on the site of the Central Department Store in the very center of the city. great Residential complex consisting of several sections, up to 33 floors high.
Conversion to money
While many developers are in crisis, and the country's largest developer, Samolet asks With the federal government in control, Savelyev's business is booming. Until 2022, the group of companies built housing primarily in the Novosibirsk region. Other than that, there was only one project in the Moscow region and one in Moscow. After the war in Ukraine began, the group expanded into the Leningrad region, Krasnoyarsk Krai, and annexed Crimea, where received Permission to build three low-rise buildings in Yalta, not far from the Vorontsov Palace.

During the war, the Rastsvetai Group of Companies became the largest developer in Novosibirsk and entered the federal top 20. In 2025, the group ranked 14th in Russia in terms of current construction volume. According to "Unified resource for developers".
Today, the group comprises 40 companies (those listed in the unified register of developers, excluding those "dormant"). Typically, a separate firm is created for a specific project. Rastsvetai is particularly fond of plant-based names—"Lilac," "Melissa," "Acacia," "Viburnum," and "Sakura."
Savelyev's companies' combined revenue in 2024 increased by 388% compared to 2023. (more recent data is not yet available): up to 9,6 billion rubles, according to data from the Rusprofile service. 17 companies reported a total net profit of 5,5 billion rubles (another 55 reported a loss of 335 million).
Also, the companies that are part of Rassvetai began to receive after the war began government contracts The total amount of funds allocated for purchasing apartments for orphans and relocating people from dilapidated housing has approached one billion rubles.
Shortly before the war began, the developer bought out The territory of former military unit No. 13840 near the northern border of Novosibirsk. The city limits begin literally across the road, and the site has every chance of soon becoming part of Novosibirsk. Savelyev's company bid almost 800 million rubles for the approximately 30-hectare site, which required significant infrastructure investment. Other (at the time, larger) Siberian developers withdrew from the bidding, considering the price too high. According to one of NeMoskva's sources, Representatives of the Rastsvetai Group of Companies knew that investments in communications here would come from the budget. And not just from the budget, but through an “infrastructure” loan, which the Novosibirsk region took the federal authorities at an incredible 3% per annum i (regions take regular, non-infrastructure loans from Moscow at 0,1%)
First, a government commission headed by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Marat Khusnullin approved The Novosibirsk Region received a 5,3 billion ruble "infrastructure" loan. The region needed the money for social facilities and new landfills. Then, First Deputy Speaker of the State Duma Alexander Zhukov (elected from Novosibirsk) объявилThat part of the sum would go toward the construction of water supply, sewerage, heating, and electricity networks for residential construction projects. The regional government then pushed through the Legislative Assembly to approve the use of two billion rubles of this loan for "infrastructure development," which in fact meant connecting utilities to two sites owned by the Rastsvetai Group of Companies. One is the aforementioned military base site, and the other is on Sorge Street in Novosibirsk's Kirovsky District, which is being developed by Tempo, also owned by Savelyev.
Views of Africa
Dmitry Savelyev's geopolitical interests are not limited to the aforementioned Crimea. He recently reached Africa.
In January 2026, the head of Rossotrudnichestvo, Yevgeny Primakov объявил On the opening of "Russian Houses" in Mali and the Central African Republic. There are now 87 of them (not counting partner organizations, discussed below). The authorities position the "houses" as a "soft power" for promoting the Russian language and culture—they host exhibitions, concerts, lectures, and help international students enroll in Russian universities. They are funded by Rossotrudnichestvo, but also by the state agency signs agreements with third-party organizations.

One of the partner organizations was the little-known NGO "Center for Public Diplomacy," which is also associated with Dmitry Savelyev. The organization's director is the deputy's closest confidant, his former assistant in the State Duma, and former Deputy Speaker of the Novosibirsk Regional Legislative Assembly, Natalia Krasovskaya.
"We're opening Russian houses in African countries and building bridges between universities. I'm explaining why Africans want to learn Russian and study in Russia, what they admire most about Russian culture, and why we need to be friends with Africa in the first place," пишет Krasovskaya about herself on VKontakte.
At the same time, she herself calls the head of Savelyev's organization. He regularly появляется at the events of the Center for Public Diplomacy, heads the inter-parliamentary Russia-Ghana friendship group and even organized Translation into Russian of the autobiography of Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama, "My First Coup and Other True Stories of Africa's Lost Decades."
Savelyev's "Center for Public Diplomacy" has already opened "Russian Houses" in Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea and Ghana, and in 2026 launch offices in Libya, Mali, Namibia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Madagascar.



Two of our interlocutors, a former deputy familiar with Savelyev and a political scientist, believe that the United Russia member has entered Africa not only to score yet another round of "loyalty points" but also to "become a participant in the game" surrounding resources.
"If Savelyev had an army, he would immediately start making money in Africa," says one of the sources.
Mutually beneficial exchange
A former municipal deputy from one of Russia's major cities is convinced that demonstrating loyalty to the war is not necessary to influence the electorate:
"No amount of support from the SVO brings in real votes. Most people just want it all to end so they can go back to living a normal life, 'like before.' Therefore, the main focus is on what really resonates with people. Hence the tractors [for clearing snow with the names of specific candidates], hence the vote-buying in all its forms."

Businessmen and their trusted confidants' involvement in the military agenda is reinforced by their CVs, which subsequently allow them to participate in the distribution of parliamentary mandates or aspire to leadership positions in the executive branch. Following the lead of the current authorities ensures access to government contracts and preferential treatment. In exchange, governors may request favors related to their support for the war, says a Russian political scientist.
"They assist the authorities in cases where they are unable to cope due to the rigidity of the budget process. Since the issue of the SVO is a priority in assessing the performance of any regional governor, it is important for them to quickly and efficiently address emerging needs," the NeMoskva source explained. "Naturally, in such cases, the authorities turn to close businessmen. Therefore, it is practically impossible to remain a 'businessman close to the authorities' and not participate in supporting the war."
Large development businesses in modern Russia are inextricably linked to the government, both historically and practically. Participation in the military agenda is not only a prerequisite for their existence, but also a significant competitive advantage for those who are among the first to make their mark.

