A personal army for a rainy day
Why did Ramzan Kadyrov create the Russian Special Forces University and what role might it play in the future?
In late October, Chechnya was attacked by drones for the first time since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine began. As a result, a fire broke out in the building of the Russian Special Forces University (RUS) in Gudermes. The choice of target was hardly random—RUS is one of the main training bases for volunteers fighting against Ukraine. According to the head of the republic, Ramzan Kadyrov, it has prepared About 50 people were sent to the front. Officially, the institution, created in 2014, is a non-profit organization and a sports shooting club. However, it bears Putin's name and, apparently, is extremely important to Kadyrov. Why? NeMoskva collected information from open sources and spoke with experts.
The roof of one of the buildings of the "Russian University of Special Forces named after Vladimir Putin" in Gudermes, Chechnya, caught fire on October 29. The fire, like said The fire, the head of the region, was quickly extinguished. Information about the casualties is contradictory: at first, it was reported that the building was "vacant," and later Kadyrov began to assert, that as a result, captured Ukrainian Armed Forces soldiers were killed.
This is the first time since the invasion of Ukraine that the Russian Armed Forces (RUS) has been attacked. However, Ukrainian authorities have not confirmed any involvement in the incident. said Z-war correspondent Yuriy Kotenok, the distance from Gudermes to the nearest point controlled by the Ukrainian Armed Forces is approximately 850 km in a straight line.
Ramzan Kadyrov threatened retaliation for the attack, and the following day, the Russian Armed Forces struck the Ukrainian General Staff's unmanned aerial systems control center in Kyiv. "I said yesterday that retaliation for yesterday's attack on the RUS building wouldn't be long in coming. The response was sent today," commented Kadyrov's blow.
RUS is located on an area of over 400 hectares. Construction of the facility took over four years. The complex includes over 90 buildings and structures, a two-hectare training pond, and a wind tunnel. The grounds include open-air shooting ranges and sports training areas, as well as multi-story and private homes for training. Completed facilities allow train a variety of skills, from parachute jumping to hostage rescue, storming high-rise buildings, and shooting various types of weapons.
"We ask that you consider us a volunteer special detachment of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief."
Ramzan Kadyrov announced the construction of a special forces training center in Gudermes in the summer of 2014. And one of the first videos about the construction опубликовал In February 2015, on Instagram (then still legal in Russia), the head of Chechnya announced his intention to make the region "one of the world's leading centers for training special forces." He proudly called the facility under construction a future "international center" and a "unique tactical town." The site was announced to include not only training buildings for "hostage rescue and terrorist elimination training," but also a high-rise apartment building, a school, a hospital, a kindergarten, and a cinema—all for training fighters.
"A complex that meets the most stringent international standards is being built on the outskirts of Gudermes. It will be the first in Russia. Special forces units from all branches and services of the armed forces and intelligence agencies of Russia and other countries will be trained here. The center will be able to conduct parachute, mountain, forest, water, and other training. A wind tunnel is also being built," Kadyrov said.
The start of construction coincided with rumors of the creation of Ramzan Kadyrov's "personal army" in Chechnya. The head of the region himself contributed significantly to the spread of such rumors. In late December 2014, when the first phase of the war in Ukraine was underway, and in Grozny attacked on police officers, Kadyrov I spent In Grozny, he staged a unique intimidation campaign: he gathered approximately 20 armed security personnel at Bilimkhanov Stadium. "The Russian people have united around their leader, Vladimir Putin, and the Chechen people occupy a central place in this unity. For fifteen years, Putin has been helping our people! Now we, too, and there are tens of thousands of us who have undergone special training, ask the national leader of Russia to consider us a volunteer special detachment of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief," Kadyrov declared.
The BBC Russian Service, citing human rights activists, then Wrotethat security forces reporting directly and exclusively to Kadyrov are being trained in Chechnya. Their total number was estimated at between 10 and 30. The regional leader did not publicly deny this, while continuing swear in loyalty to Putin.
The facility was built with private investment, as they liked emphasize Ramzan Kadyrov and the construction supervisor, his assistant and former FSB special forces unit Alpha officer Daniil Martynov. However, the identities of the investors were never revealed. Martynov only говорилthat Chechen businessmen, “who have achieved significant success in business in Moscow, St. Petersburg, and other regions of the country,” are investing in the construction “at their own volition.”
On According to Republic, the land on which RUS is built, is leased to the company of Movsadi Alviyev, the CEO of Grozny City (which is building high-rises of the same name in central Grozny) and a native of Kadyrov's ancestral village. The latest media outlet called Chechnya's largest developer and investor in the Akhmad Kadyrov Charitable Foundation. Journalist and North Caucasus analyst Harold Chambers, in a conversation with NeMoskva, called Alviyev one of the key "construction investors." According to him, the businessman regularly receives numerous government contracts through so-called Kadyrov's "wallets".
"An extremely prestigious project for Kadyrov"
There is no complete data on RUS funding, but federal funding, direct and indirect, continues today, says Chambers.
— In 2022, the revenue of RUS increased "Threefold. The company received 349 million rubles in "voluntary donations" and various payments for training employees for the security departments of some of Russia's largest companies, such as Gazprom and Tatneft," comments Harold Chambers.
Furthermore, since the beginning of the war, tens of thousands of volunteers under contract with the Ministry of Defense have been training at RUS, as both Kadyrov and Chechen Prime Minister Magomed Daudov regularly point out. This means the organization receives considerable funding for their training, Israeli military expert David Sharp emphasized in a conversation with NeMoskva.
"The training of tens of thousands of volunteers in the RUS is financed by federal funds. [What's transferred to the Chechen Republic] is equivalent to Kadyrov's own money. Essentially, it's a significant additional source of state funding, which he can use at his own discretion," Sharp explains.
Despite its grandiose name, according to official documents, the "Russian Special Forces University" is a sports shooting club and an autonomous non-profit organization providing continuing professional education. This form of registration is necessary for easier documentation. suggest "Caucasus. Realities".
PR activities related to RUS traditionally revolve around Kadyrov. The only one actively linked to the institution is his aforementioned former assistant. Daniil MartynovThe head of the university, Baibetar Vaikhanov, was mentioned by federal media only once – when the Ukrainian Security Service excited He's being prosecuted for aiding and abetting war. "SBU, come immediately! I've apprehended this scoundrel, I've got him!" Kadyrov joked at the time.
The establishment of the Russian Special Forces University has obvious political and strategic goals for the head of Chechnya, extending beyond its stated educational and training functions, comments a political scientist specializing in the North Caucasus (who asked not to be named for security reasons). In fact, the institution serves as a tool for strengthening Kadyrov's influence.
"The implementation of the project in Chechnya gives him the opportunity, under the pretext of strengthening Russian special forces, to acquire forces that could be considered a 'personal army.' This provides him with a certain degree of autonomy, increasing his political clout both within Chechnya and in Russia as a whole. At the same time, it also expands Kadyrov's influence in regions affected by current and potential conflicts," the expert explained in a conversation with NeMoskva.
Currently, the institution only has a license from the Chechen Ministry of Education. If RUS were to receive university status, it would become subject to the control of federal authorities—the Ministry of Education and Rosobrnadzor. Given the center's specific functions, this is undesirable.
The institution also doesn't report to any Russian security agency. "This is an extremely prestigious project for Kadyrov; he wouldn't want to lose his control over RUS by placing it within the confines of official security structures," Harold Chambers commented in ARTICLES for Riddle portal.
Save your own
The war in Ukraine has opened up new opportunities for Kadyrov to strengthen his authority and power, and the "Russian Special Forces University" has become one of his main PR weapons. The Chechen leader likes to emphasize the number of Russian volunteers who have trained in Gudermes to fight in the war. In late October, he said journalists that the Russian Federation sent "about 50 thousand fighters" to the war.
Many of them fight as part of units AkhmatWhile in the first months of the war they were composed of Chechens and actively participated in the fighting, after setbacks and losses, Kadyrov decided to conserve his own forces, a North Caucasus expert familiar with the military operations in Ukraine (who asked not to be named for security reasons) commented in a conversation with NeMoskva.
— At the beginning of the war, they were going to “take Kyiv in three days” and got caught in the crossfire. “Kadyrov’s men” got their asses kicked in several places, starting with broken column In Bucha. Now he's trying to save his people for the future. During Prigozhin's rebellion, "Akhmat" wasn't exactly in a hurry either—they rode and rode and never made it to Rostov. They're either in the third line or in the barrier detachments, the source claims.
“Due to some agreements at the very top, he doesn’t send people there now, or they are on the second or third lines,” confirms David Sharp.
Now, Chechens make up about 25% of the Akhmat units, if you believe statements Commander Apti Alaudinov. The rest are fighters from all regions of the Russian Federation and from abroad. According to Harold Chambers, the units include Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Greeks, and Roma, and one of the sniper squads is commanded by a Jew.
Kadyrov continually emphasizes that it is his troops who defend a "multi-ethnic and multi-religious" country, and this allows him to reap reputational benefits from the war. But most importantly, the uninterrupted supply of fighters from across the country helps protect his cronies—those commonly referred to as "Kadyrovites," Sharp comments: "That's his contribution to the SVO." According to the expert, Russians who fought in "Akhmat" also speak of keeping "Kadyrovites" away from the front lines and the ethnic hierarchy.
Training at RUS. Photo from the VKontakte page.
But ordinary Chechens are not granted these privileges. Human rights activists have repeatedly reported cases of forced deportation from the republic to war. According to organization SK SOSWhile previously citizens were detained on trumped-up charges and then released for ransom from relatives, since the war began they are being forced to go to the front. Refusal is threatened with imprisonment or the sending of family members to war. In particular, one of the detainees told human rights activists that of the 70 people held in secret prison. 40-45 people “agreed” to go to Ukraine.
In October, Ramzan Kadyrov personally threatened Send Chechens who have committed administrative offenses to combat zones: "If you don't respect the law, either go to jail for the maximum sentence, or sign a contract and go to the Special Military Operations Zone. There, you can demonstrate your bravery, audacity, and recklessness to the enemy."
RUS is also used to train individual units. Specifically, in December 2022 стало известно On the creation of the special forces unit "BOBR-Akhmat" (Batalkhadzhinsky Rapid Response Unit) from members of the influential Ingush Batal-Khadzhi clan. The latter are in opposition to the republic's current authorities and were detained and arrested following the shooting of the head of the Center "E" for Ingushetia in Moscow. Reported Fortanga edition. The murder was committed motivated by blood feuds. Kadyrov's patronage allowed the clan to reduce the level of government repression. Media outlets reported that clan members needed to participate in the SVO to close criminal cases against them. On social media, "BOBR-Akhmat" denounced the head of Chechnya. called "Dear Brother," and posts end with the phrase "Akhmat is strength."
The army as an argument and a trump card
Before the 2024 presidential elections, Kadyrov made a bow to Putin and saidThat from now on, RUS will bear the president's name. "The decision to name the Russian Special Forces University after the outstanding modern political figure, Russian President Vladimir Putin, was made at the time of its founding," he asserted on his Telegram channel.
Six months later, Putin arrived in Chechnya for a visit. It was his first in 13 years. After visiting Akhmat Kadyrov's grave, he went to the Russian Special Forces University. There, he toured the training grounds and training ranges. However, he didn't oversee the training of SVO volunteers, but rather Kadyrov's son, 16-year-old Adam, target shooting (the latter was in April). appointed curator of the institution).
In the media and social networks "Akhmat" nicknamed "Tik-Tok troops" for staged videos of fighting in Ukraine, which they posted on the social network of the same name, popular at the time among "Kadyrovites." Nevertheless, forces trained at RUS were, in one way or another, involved in responding to domestic crises (Prigozhin's mutiny, pro-Ukrainian forces' raids in Belgorod, and the invasion of Kursk). Expert Harold Chambers believes this speaks to Putin's continued trust in Kadyrov.
"The ability to deploy trained units for complex missions both domestically (for example, suppressing protests) and internationally (for example, in Syria or Ukraine) is a strategic asset. Forces loyal to Kadyrov serve as a kind of 'special corps' that works to strengthen Russia's influence without posing an obvious risk to the central government," comments a political scientist who spoke to NeMoskva on condition of anonymity.
The Kremlin views Kadyrov's forces as a useful tool that can be controlled indirectly. The units are financed primarily from the Chechen regional budget and do not require constant oversight from Moscow.
Judging by the fact that Russian authorities are leaving Kadyrov ample room to maneuver regarding the Russian Security Service and are not imposing any strict restrictions or requirements of their own, the specific development of Chechnya's security forces is not perceived as a direct threat to federal authority, the expert believes.
"To keep this process under control, the Kremlin maintains Kadyrov's dependence on federal subsidies and resources. As long as this, as well as his symbolic loyalty to Putin, is maintained, Kadyrov's 'personal army' poses no threat to federal power," the source concludes.
However, he also emphasizes that the Russian authorities cannot help but recognize the potential risks posed by the development of such regional security structures, even in such an autonomous form. For example, in a climate of political instability or a change of government, Kadyrov and his forces could gain greater independence. Expert David Sharp agrees. He believes Kadyrov is saving his RUS-trained army from participating in war "for a rainy day": "For him, these people are an argument, a trump card that can be thrown into the internal conflict at a decisive moment."
